By Mary L. Mapes
Using Indianapolis as its concentration, this publication explores the connection among faith and social welfare. coming up out of the Indianapolis Polis Center’s Lilly-sponsored examine of faith and concrete tradition, the publication seems at 3 matters: the position of spiritual social companies inside of Indianapolis’s better social welfare aid procedure, either private and non-private; the evolution of the connection among private and non-private welfare sectors; and the way principles approximately citizenship mediated the supply of social providers. Noting that non secular nonprofits don't determine prominently in such a lot stories of welfare, Mapes explores the historic roots of the connection among religiously affiliated social welfare and public organisations. Her strategy acknowledges that neighborhood version has been a defining function of yankee social welfare. A Public Charity goals to light up neighborhood tendencies and to narrate the location in Indianapolis to nationwide traits and events.
Polis heart sequence on faith and concrete Culture—David J. Bodenhamer and Arthur E. Farnsley II, editors
Read or Download A Public Charity: Religion And Social Welfare In Indianapolis, 1929-2002 (Polis Center Series on Religion and Urban Culture) PDF
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Extra info for A Public Charity: Religion And Social Welfare In Indianapolis, 1929-2002 (Polis Center Series on Religion and Urban Culture)
Various forces competed with each other for the loyalty and money of these families. Most visibly, housing developers recognized the potential for massive profits in America’s suburbs, and Hollywood producers helped to strengthen the particulars of the family ideal through the movies and television. Less visible but no less significant were religious authorities who gave unprecedented attention to families. Protestants, Catholics, and Jews established planning commissions to coordinate the building of new suburban churches and synagogues while the laity reinvigorated older organizations and in some cases formed new ones whose sole purpose was to attend to the needs of families.
In addition, he also demanded public money for the support of these children. ’’43 By making the claim that only Catholics could care adequately for needy Catholics, Fussenegger reinforced the notion that Catholics were a marginalized people who needed to protect the rights of their children. However, by demanding public money, Fussenegger also demonstrated how Catholics had developed a sense of themselves as full Americans entitled to the public dollars filling the state’s coffers. 44 But in predominantly Protestant Indianapolis, Catholics had never had such arrangements and thus the demand for public money reflected among Catholics a new understanding of citizenship.
48 In addition to recruiting highly educated and professionally certified staff, Indianapolis’s private agencies, both secular and religious, began charging fees from some of their clients. Fee charging helped the private agencies to attract the middle class and assure this new clientele that they were not charity cases. ’’49 The Indianapolis Pastoral Care and Counseling Service—a Christian center—confronted the same ostensible stigma and also began charging fees to clients able to pay. Fee charging quickly became integral to the private agencies’ efforts to redefine their class base.
A Public Charity: Religion And Social Welfare In Indianapolis, 1929-2002 (Polis Center Series on Religion and Urban Culture) by Mary L. Mapes